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Waldinger and Bailey note for example, that, at the time of their 1991 article, the International Union of Operating Engineers did not have a formal apprenticeship program.
Historically, in fact, most union construction workers did not pass through apprenticeship programs, but depended on family and friendship connections.
The analyses do not examine the related issues of inclusion of workers by gender, sexual orientation, or religion.
Specifically, we use Bureau of Labor Statistics surveys of individual workers over the years from 2006 to 2015 to examine the race/ethnic diversity of construction employment in both the union and nonunion sectors and among all blue-collar workers (except construction).
Philip Randolph Institute) and Positive Workforce proliferated during the 1960s and 1970s, putting greater pressure on the unions, the courts, and government regulators to address the protesters’ concerns (Freeman 2001; Butler 2011; Roberts 2016).
There is a long history of racial and gender discrimination in the building trades nationally and, in particular, in New York City’s building trades.
Informal hiring and recruitment practices going back, in some cases, to the 19th century, made it hard for outside groups, particularly African Americans, to enter the building trades.
Contention over the diversity of the New York City construction industry has been present since the 1960s as blacks and Hispanics have sought greater access to this major source of middle-class jobs.
Because most major construction in the 1960s was done under collective bargaining agreements, the discussion about diversity focused on how workers become apprentices and join construction trade unions.Construction unions often replicated the protocols of the industry at large, relying on kin networks to refer workers to construction companies (Hill 1985).